Friday, October 27, 2006

Golden Rule Jones on "Trusts"

Kevin Carson has posted a first draft chapter from his new work on "an anarchist theory of organizational development." In it, he's concerned with the question of "economies of scale" and the limits beyond which bigger is perhaps not better. His examples of the defense of the alternative, bigger is always better, approach are drawn mostly from state socialist and capitalist sources, but there are also examples that might be taken out of histories much closer to mutualism.

In the period around 1900, it was fairly common to see the large corporation, or even the monopolitistic trust as a "labor-saving device." In the cooperative movement, in the libertarian wing of the progressive movement, and in no small number of utopian formulations of the period, the "cooperative commonwealth" takes the form of a "peoples' trust." Here is one of the better examples of that tradition, from Samuel Milton Jones, the "anarchist mayor" of Toledo, OH. It comes from the proceedings of the 1899 Chicago Conference on Trusts, at which Benjamin R. Tucker delivered "The Attitude of Anarchism towards Industrial Combinations."


Mayor of Toledo, Ohio.
I am inclined to regard the great growth of these organization, within the last few months rather complacently.

I believe in a large programme for society. I believe it to be our duty and privilege in this republic to find a plan big enough to provide for all of the people and I see in the growth of the trust; an indication of the growing social movement toward collectivism. I believe in brotherhood; so do the makers of the trust: They believe in brotherhood for the fellows that are in the trust I believe in the brotherhood of all men. The trust is the Great American Brotherhood (limited). We will yet learn to utilize the trust by amending the title, leaving off the last word.

The trust is preparing the way, showing society the great benefits that may be derived through association in industry and the great economic value of association, both in production and distribution. An invention that lightens the burden of the world's toilers and makes it possible for one man to do the work of twelve is called a "labor-saving machine." Does it matter whether the machine is made of wood and iron or composed of organizations and associations of men? If the result is the same it is a labor-saving machine. In this sense the trust is a labor-saving machine. The fact that the owners of the trust capture all the profit produced by the labor-saving machine does not affect the truth of this statement. That is the peculiar tendency of the modern "captain of industry." Labor-saving machinery made of wood and iron has done very little to lighten the toil of the workers. It has usually resulted in saving labor for those who do not work. Take the case of the sewing machine, one of the greatest of the labor-saving inventions. It ought to bless the world to a far greater extent than it does. All such inventions and combinations should lighten the labor of all, but within two years a committee of investigation of the Massachusetts legislature found women operating seeing machines in Boston sweat-shops twelve hours a day making boys' pants at 19 cents a dozen pairs. Because those women work in this slavish and dehumanizing way their employer, the "captain of industry," and his family were enabled to pass their summers at Nahant and their winters in a big house in the Back Bay.

According to the prevailing conception people who are thus able to live an idle, useless life at the expense of other people's toil are considered the fortunate members of society. I do not think this view, however, is the correct one An idle life is a useless life, whether rich or poor. Indeed, there is reason to believe that if one is idle because of riches there must oh necessity be guilt approaching crime in such possession and resultant idleness.

The triumph of the trust is one of the marvels of the closing years of the nineteenth century; but they are an economic development, strictly in the line of progress and our problem is not how to destroy them, but how to use them for the good of all. Like their prototype the labor-saving machinery constructed of wood and iron, they have come to stay. A labor-saving machine might have great value on account of its producing capacity, but might be so destructive of human life as to make it imperative that it should be so improved that its "saving" power might be utilized without injury to the operative.

Thirty-five years ago T saw a~ mob of teamsters trying to destroy the first pipe line ever built for the transportation of oil. They feared that the pip line was an "attack upon their craft." The movement against the trust rests identically on the same moral basis as the rage of a mob against the pipe line, elevators and labor-saving machinery generally, and I predict that it will have the same result in the end. All the legislation thus far against the trust has been almost as futile as a law against the change in the moon's phases or the ebb and flow of the tides.

We are not going back to the individualistic method of production. We are not going to pull down the department store in order that the people shall sustain fifty small stores in place of the one department store. If that is what we propose, let us continue the principle; destroy the small stores and turn the business over to peddlers. This will be carrying to logical conclusion the senseless objection to the department store and the trust.

What, then, shall we do with the trust, with the continually increasing army of unemployed thrown out by these organizations? I reply, we must organize government (society) in the interest of all, for the good of all, so that we may utilize the economic side of the trust.

We must leave off the word (limited) from the Great American Brotherhood that I have referred to and own and operate the trust for the benefit of the people, as we now own and operate the post-office trust. The profit that accrues to the organizations known as trusts, by reason of the economic production that arises from associating ten or more companies together does not belong to those who compose the trust in any ethical sense. The profit is only made possible because the people are here, the cities are here and the means of transportation and communication are here and available, and this profit that arises from amending the ways of competition is in no just sense the property of those composing the trust.

It belongs to society, and may be properly called the "increment of associated organization." Neither the cities nor the earth have been created for the benefit of the trusts. It is clear that the earth and the "natural opportunities" that have resulted in building cities, highways, railways and commerce were created for the benefit of all alike. Equality of opportunity or brotherhood is the goal toward which the race is struggling, and the trust, while thoroughly selfish in its inspiration, is the expression of the great social spirit now stirring the hearts of the people.

I can see neither sense nor reason in the attempts to destroy the labor-saving machines by legislation, but I see both reason and hope for the American people in the movement that will utilize all kinds of labor-saving machines, including the trusts, for the benefit of the whole people. This can only come about by the process of general education that will bring the classes to understand and practice what the masses now believe in—that is, the brotherhood of industry.

The movement toward municipal ownership, toward public ownership, toward-co-operation of every sort, indicates the channel through which the people are to come into possession of their own. When they are thoroughly enlightened they will simply retake in a perfectly orderly way the properties that have passed out of their hands and become private possessions, usually through the practice of deception and fraud. The people will own and operate their own trust; its name will be the Co-Operative Commonwealth.

Tuesday, October 24, 2006

Alfred W. Lawson

My research travels, partially in support of the Distributive Passions project, have taken me back into the 20th century--or rather forward from the centuries that usually occupying my time. I'm working on a quick survey of utopian novels and proposals from the early decades of last century. (Don't worry. I'm also reading the 2-volume Library of America Debate on the Constitution set, which is marvelous relief from sappy romantic sub-plots.) These are waters I've travelled quite a bit before, but not in any systematic way.

A novel that I have owned for years, but had not read until this week, is Alfred W. Lawson's Born Again. It is not a great novel, but it is notable for having some of the wildest plot-twists ever, even in a genre notable for cases of reincarnation, mysterious decades-long comas, etc. Like a number of reform novels in the period, it appears to have been influenced by the health culture movement. Its approach to reform is centered in following the dictates of conscience and pursuing healthy lifestyles. But Alfred Lawson had a lot more irons in the fire.

Lawson was an aircraft pioneer, amateur philosopher, the founder of the Direct Credits Society, and originator of Lawsonomy. The Lawson's Progress site is a great introduction, and has what appears to be a very complete bibliography of Lawson's works, complete with links to the online editions of several at (see particularly Direct Credits for Everybody and the three volumes of Lawsonomy.) The University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee has some nice photographs and document scans relating to Lawson's aircraft work, as well as pdfs version of A Two Thousand Mile Trip in the First Airliner and the first airmail contract ever granted.

I'll undoubtedly return to Lawson, the Direct Credits Society, and Born Again soon. For now, though I actually liked the book, cloying sentimentality and all. In general, I find something straightforward and likable in Lawson's work, even when I can't recommend it on other grounds.

Monday, October 16, 2006

Griswold on Emerson

Rufus Wilmot Griswold, aside from having a remarkable name, produced a large number of rather lovely books on literature. In The Prose Writers of America. With a survey of the history, condition, and prospects of American literature (1847), he surveys the writers of the day, catching plenty of folks who don't make more recent texts. His treatment of Ralph Waldo Emerson is interesting, and it includes a brief comment on William B. Greene.

[Born 1803.]
THE development of the transcendental philosophy in New England is deserving of more consideration than can here be bestowed upon it. I can remember the period when the general principles of Locke, with a slight infusion of Reid and Dugald Stuart, constituted the orthodox philosophical creed of New England. The first shock given to that system was Professor Marsh's calm, profound and luminous exposition of the doctrines of Coleridge, in his prefaces to the American editions of The Friend and the Aids to Reflection. This was followed by Mr. Brownson's various writings and lectures, developing, in a popular form, the philosophy of Victor Cousin and the French school. Almost everybody who attended a lecture or a sermon by Mr. Brownson, was at once transformed into a metaphysician, and could discourse very decisively on the essential distinction between reason and reasoning, and could look with compassion on all who held to the old philosophy, or were defective in insight. Cousin was very grateful to his American disciple, and repeatedly spoke of him as the first metaphysician in the United States. But there have been changes of the moon since then, and it is needless to say that Mr. Brownson now shines in the light of a different system.

Contemporary with Mr. Brownson, though very different in mind and character, was Mr. Emerson, the transcendentalist par eminence, and the most original of the school. Neither Coleridge nor Cousin was sufficient for him, but in subtlety and daring he rather approaches Fichte. He is the son of a Unitarian clergyman of Boston, and in 1821, when about seventeen years of age, was graduated at Harvard University. Having turned his attention to theology, he was ordained minister of one of the congregations of his native city, but embracing soon after some peculiar views in regard to the forms of worship, he abandoned his profession, and retiring to the quiet village of Concord, after the manner of an Arabian prophet, gave himself up to "thinking," preparatory to his appearance as a revelator. His oration entitled Man-Thinking, delivered before the Phi Beta Kappa Society in the summer of 1837, attracted a great deal of attention, but less than his address before the senior class in Divinity College at Cambridge in the following year. He began now to be understood. His peculiarity was not so much his system as his point of view. He did not pretend to reason, but to discover; he was not a logician, but a seer; he announced, not argued. His prominent doctrine is, that the deity is impersonal,—mere being, and comes to self-consciousness only in individuals. The distinction of this from pantheism is this, that while pantheism "sinks man and nature in God," Mr. Emerson "sinks God and nature in man."

In 1838 Mr. Emerson published Literary Ethics, an oration, and in the following year a small volume entitled Nature. In 1840 he commenced The Dial, a magazine of literature, philosophy and religion, which was continued four years; in 1841 he published The Method of Nature, an oration; Man the Reformer, a lecture on some of the prominent features of the present age; three Lectures on the Times, and the first series of his Essays. In the next two or three years he published little except his papers in The Dial, but in 1844 be gave to the public lectures on New England Reformers, the Young American, and Negro Emancipation in the West Indies, and the second series of his Essays. He has since delivered lectures on Swedenborg, Napoleon, New England, and other subjects, which are regarded by some who have heard them as decidedly the finest of his works; and in December, 1846, he published a volume of Poems, which have peculiar and remarkable merits.

Mr. Emerson is "a seeker with no Past at his back." He evidently aims to break the moulds of popular beliefs, and to get at the heart of the matter, to look around and within with the fresh vision of "a first man," and like Adam in the garden to put his own names upon what he sees. He has none of the ill humour which denies because others affirm; he simply takes leave to look for himself. While therefore he continually sees and represents things in singular lights, and sometimes inverts them, so that it would seem to be an inevitable conclusion that either he is crazy or we, on the other hand he regenerates our faith, by giving us an original testimony to great truths. Thus, his essay on The Over-Soul, notwithstanding its unscriptural title, is as orthodox as St. Paul.

Whatever appearances there may be to the contrary, Mr. Emerson is no destructive. He is a builder, a born and anointed poet. His demand is Truth. He must stand face to face with the Absolute. Insatiable as is his craving for truth, he is always orderly and serene. He gives no sign that any deterring considerations have ever occurred to him. Whatever suggestions of fear or policy there may be, they are less than cobwebs to him. They cannot impede, they do not even tease him. He is as self-possessed and assured as if he carried in his pocket a commission, signed and sealed of all mankind, to say just the thing that he is saying.

Mr. Emerson is never commonplace. Hence we infer that he is a genuine worker. He cannot, like a host of others, write in his sleep. Every thing is wrought out by his own thought. I have sometimes fancied that he must, in his listless moments, repine at the stubbornness of his genius, which can bear to be mute, but which cannot declaim, nor tolerate in him any attempt at "fine writing." There is a very common talent, passing for a great deal more than it is worth,—the sole talent of many quite distinguished writers,—which lies in the putting of words together so fitly and musically that they seem to sing a new truth, when it is "an old song," with no variations. Mr. Emerson is utterly deficient in this power. He cannot juggle with words. He has no bank-notes: nothing but bullion. If he states an old and world-known truth, he does it with that felicity of expression which gives us a fresh sense of its value, and we confess that the same thing was never before so well said. He fits his word to his thought, consulting no ear but his own.

In reading Mr. Emerson's works we must observe Coleridge's admirable rule: "When you cannot understand an author's ignorance, account yourself ignorant of his understanding." At the slightest glance we shall find here and there in them much to inspire respect for his sagacity and admiration for his genius. When therefore he seems to be unintelligible, or absurd, modesty dictates that we should at least entertain the question whether the defect be in him or us. If we cannot explain his ignorance, we shall do wisely to distrust our own understanding. It is possible, nay, it is in a very high degree probable, not only that he really has a meaning, but that he has a very good and a very great meaning, and that he has expressed it in the very best form, so that, were we as keen-sighted as he, we should recognise the beauty both of the thought and the expression.

An ingenious friend and admirer of Mr. Emerson, a few years since, put forth some very amusing pencil sketches illustrative of I his hard sayings. They were caricatures, it is true; but they implied a great compliment. How many of our writers of established fame use language sufficiently picturesque to admit of such illustrations?

—In connection with the opposition to the old school of metaphysics may be mentioned Doctor Walker, the Professor of Philosophy in Harvard University; the Reverend Theodore Parker, and the Reverend William B. Greene. Doctor Walker delivered in Boston a few years ago three series of lectures on Natural Religion, in which he steered between the extremes of both parties, confined himself to no particular system, but in his general principles coincided very nearly with Cousin, as modified by Jouffroy. Mr. Parker may also be classed with the school of Cousin, but his metaphysics are confusedly blended with radical notions regarding government, and heretical notions regarding religion,—a kind of aggregation in one mind of what is most offensive in the different French and German schools. Mr. Greene is a powerful and original thinker, with no other point of agreement with the transcendentalists than the negative one of rejection of Locke.

Opposed to all these is Mr. Bowen, the well-known editor of the North American Review, who hates transcendentalism in all its forms, deeming it, as developed in New England, a monstrosity, made up of cant, sentimentalism, and unreason. A receiver of the general principles of Locke, as modified by the progress of philosophical discovery, he enforces them with great energy and determination. Though I dissent from many of his opinions, and question the validity of his positions, I still think that his disquisitions evince a strength, breadth, and acuteness of understanding, a knowledge of his subjects, and a directness of style which place them very high among American contributions to the science of metaphysics.

Rev. Jesse Henry Jones

When I posted William B. Greene's response to Jesse H. Jones in The Word, I promised some material on Jones himself. Jones is a figure of interest in our developing genealogy of mutualisms. Although he disagreed in various regards with Greene, he was another advocate of a mutualism based in Christian principles. In his didactic novel, Joshua Davidson, Christian (and I hardly needed to mention its didacticism, with a title like that, I suppose), he writes,
From this [Public Spirit] there unfolds a form of society, which may be called Mutualism, in which there is a mutual bearing of burdens, protection of interests, preservations of rights, and provision of opportunities; in short, a system of society which is 'of the people, by the people, for the people,' in all walks of life, the perfect example of which is the Town Meeting."
The biography posted here comes from the introduction to that novel, which was completed just before Jones' death. Notice the reference to Dio Lewis, the nutritionist who took such interest in Lysander Spooner's diet.


IN 1871 there came to the old town of Abington, Massachusetts, as pastor of the East Congregational church, a minister who during the next generation was to make for himself a place and a name.

He was in the full vigor of mature young manhood, and possessed a physique of rugged proportions, a mind of remarkable activity, and a purpose to serve his fellow men that never lessened in its enthusiasm or intensity.

Perhaps in all those years there was no one in our community who was at once so much ridiculed for much that he said and did, so much admired for his intellectual ability and eloquence, so much respected for the nobility of his ideals and the purity of his personal life; and perhaps it is also true that no one among us really accomplished so much for man as he succeeded in doing, little as he or many another, may have suspected such to be the case.

He saw in a straight line; in simple Saxon terms he told the things he thought and saw; the price an issue or an end might cost had little weight with him; he loved the truth, and sought to know and teach God's ways in the heart of man, and in all man's living one with another. Hence Jesse H. Jones became a pioneer in many reforms, and a seer in many things that pertain to the Kingdom of God on earth.

Jesse Henry Jones, son of Rev. Charles and Alvira Holmes Jones, was born in Bellevilla, Upper Canada, March 29, 1836. His parents were both of New England stock. His father, a cousin of Thoreau's mother, belonged to the Jones family of Williamstown, Mass. His paternal grandmother was a Foote, belonging to the same family as Admiral Foote, Horatio Foote, and the mother of Henry Ward Beecher. His mother belonged to that branch of the Holmes family who, early in the last century, came from Connecticut and settled in the Mohawk Valley country of New York state.

His father, the Rev. Charles Jones had taken a partial course of study at Williams College and Union College, taught a school at Penn Yan, and studied theology at Union Seminary, and Yale Divinity School. He devoted much of his time to evangelistic labors, and had several successful pastorates. His last years were spent at North Abington, where he is remembered as a very gracious and dignified old gentleman. His occasional sermons were able, earnest, and helpful. Rev. Jesse H. Jones's mother, who died when he was only three years old, is said to have been a tall and very stately woman, of marked excellence of character, and a person of deep, vital piety, as well. Some time later, a new mother came into the home, and she, too, was a woman of rare personal charms, and great dignity of mien, and she devoted herself to her family with great fidelity and affection. Such were the home influences under which the author of this work was reared.

At a very early age, Henry, as he was known in the family, evinced a marked interest in books. At eleven years of age he read with delight the complete works of Charles G. Finney, and united with the church when he was twelve. He often said in later life that at that time his theological ideas were well set. At fourteen, he entered Falley's Seminary, at Fulton, N. Y., and it is remembered that while there he wrote a composition on the "Giving of the Law at Mount Sinai," which had such marked excellence that it was charged that he had been guilty of plagiarism; the charge, however, was not made to him personally, and it was not until 1902, that he ever heard about it. He was in this school about two years.

In 1853 he entered Hamilton College as a sophomore; at the close of this year his father went West, and desiring Henry to come under the influence of Mark Hopkins, sent him for junior year to Williams College, where he was in the class with James A. Garfield. This year was a hard one for him, as his finances were very low, and he was subjected to some hardships, such as boarding himself, etc. This was humiliating to his pride, but his strong sense of independence enabled him to maintain a manly carriage. The next year his father became pastor at Cambridge, Mass., and at the age of nineteen, he entered the senior class at Harvard College with some conditions. He at once took a leading position in the college, and graduated tenth in his class. His commencement theme was a poem "Youth" from Cole's picture "Voyage of Life."

For two years now he was at home in New York state, working on the farm and regaining his health which had been considerably broken. In 1859 he entered Andover Theological Seminary. These were the days when Professors Park and Phelps were in their prime. As has been said his theological ideas were already well set, and to quote his own words, as to the relations between Professor Park and himself, "It was a theological tilt all the while." To Professor Phelps, however, he ever attributed the greatest respect and gratitude. In April, 1861, before he would have graduated in June, he went to war. He received a commission as Chaplain of the First Massachusetts Regiment of three months men, but soon returned to St. Lawrence County, N. Y., and organized Co. I, 60th N. Y. Infantry, and for two years and four months served as Captain. He was in the battles of Chancellorsville, Gettysburg, Lookout Mountain, Rindgold, Chattanooga, and perhaps some others. September 15, 1862, he married Miss Clara Dodge, of Oswego County, N. Y. At this time the 12th army Corps was transferred from the Army of the Potomac to the Army of the Cumberland, and while the bridal couple were spending two weeks at Baltimore, the Battle of Antietam was fought. Mr. Jones felt very badly that he was not at the battle, while the bride was very glad.

Captain Jones resigned his commission in January, 1864, and went to Williamsburg, N. Y., where he spent a year and a half writing his book, "Know the Truth, A Critique on the Hamiltonian Theory of Limitation, including some Strictures upon the Theories of Rev. Henry L. Mansel and Mr. Herbert Spencer."

In May, 1865, he received a call to the pastorate of the Congregational church at Antwerp, N. Y., a small country church. Here he was pastor for four years. In connection with his work he gave a course of lectures at Watertown, on some reform ideas. While pastor, this church was greatly prospered. At one time over forty united with it. Improvements were made on the property, the church reorganized. Early in 1869, Wendell Phillips came to lecture in Watertown. Mr. Jones attended, and Mr. Phillips invited him to come to Boston "Anniversary Week" (the third week in May), and speak at Tremont Temple, as the champion of orthodoxy, at the Free Religionists' platform. The invitation was accepted, and an opportunity was also found to supply a Sunday at Natick, which resulted in a call to the pastorate of the church in that place. Vice-president Henry Wilson, a member, was a prime mover in securing this energetic young minister.

Mr. Jones had been ordained at Cambridge in 1861, and was now installed at Natick with a salary of $2,000 a year. It was during this pastorate that "The Kingdom of Heaven" was written, and the remarkable Thanksgiving Day sermon preached. Mr. Jones's social views did not accord with those of some people. As one expressed it "He plowed too deep, and it hurt, and they wanted a different man." After two years' service he closed his work here and accepted a call to the Congregational church at Rockland, at the same salary. This church had heard previously ninety-four candidates. This pastorate continued from 1871 to 1873. Mr. Jones was very active in social affairs, became a member of the Boston Eight-Hour League at this time, had Dr. Dio Lewis come and lecture on food, and advocated the general use of the cereals. At that time oatmeal was sold by the druggists, instead of the grocers as at present. He also published a pamphlet of over sixty pages, "The Bible Plan for the Abolition of Poverty" (1878). He left this place in June, 1878.

He then began his work at North Abington, supplying the church for some months, and then proposed to the church that he continue to preach and that he would accept what they chose to give him. He was a prime mover in starting the Union store at the North Corner, served as Road Commissioner one year, represented the town in the Legislature in 187~77, published "Equity, a Journal of Christian Labor Reform," in 1874-75,—a monthly folio. In 1877-78, "The Labor Balance," a small quarterly, was published.

The pastorate at North Abington closed in 1880, and Mr. Jones engaged for one year to work for the Massachusetts Labor Bureau, under Carrol D. Wright. In this work he visited many manufacturing establishments in western Massachusetts, Connecticut, and eastern New York.

Now came the call to Schroon, N. Y., and a fifteen-months' pastorate that was one of the happiest periods the family ever had in their home and pastoral life. In the spring of 1882 Carroll D. Wright sent for Mr. Jones to come to Boston to a hearing at the Legislature. In his report of the previous year, Mr. Jones had said, "With some exceptions, the Canadian French are the Chinese of the eastern States." Mr. Jones has left this record: "This report was, to human sight, by far the most effective work I ever did. It is not too much to say that what refers to the Canadian French changed the course of life of that people in this country permanently for the better. It disturbed them so deeply that they held a number of public meetings, and passed resolutions vigorously denying the statements. Yet when the hearings were given them they presented another side covered by the phrase, "with some exceptions;" but they did not deny one of these statements, and if they had I was there to have proved every one of them."

While on this visit he went to North Abington, preached at the North church, and was solicited by leading men to become pastor again. The call was accepted to the great disappointment of the people at Schroon, who loved their pastor very much. In March, 1884, Mr. Jones was one of the foremost in establishing the Knights of Labor at North Abington, and continued active in the Order after it had disbanded in his locality. In 1882 he became the editor of the "North Abington Public," which appeared on the last page of the "Rockland Standard." This was continued until 1896. All the while he was active in reform work of whatever name, especially, woman suffrage, temperance, labor. He also strove to teach the right way of life in the family.

The second pastorate at North Abington closed in the spring of 1890. At this time he wrote to the writer of this sketch, "Perhaps in all the land there is not a pulpit open to me." His farewell sermon to an audience which packed the church was from the text: "And they cast him out."

For the next seven years he continued to live in the house next to the church, attended its services when there was no opportunity to supply elsewhere, taught in its Sunday School for a good part of the time, edited the "Public," served on the school board, and prepared several articles for the press. Not a little of his livelihood he made from farming.

From November, 1897, till he fell asleep on April 19, 1904, he was pastor of the Congregational church at Halifax, situated about a dozen miles from North Abington. In many ways these were happy years. He still wrote for the press, prepared the "History of the Holmes Family," served as president of the Wendell Phillips Association, and gathered together the manuscript for Joshua Davidson. All the while many associations at Rockland and North Abington were kept up, and frequently he was called to deliver an address, minister in some home, or attend the sessions of the Grand Army of the Republic, of which at the last he was senior vice-commander. This institution was "next to the church" in his regards, and his last appearance in public, which was on the day of his death, was to attend a camp-fire at Middleboro. Perhaps the happiest feature in the last years was the recognition he received in the Plymouth County Neighborhood Convention meetings. Here he was regarded as a father, and there was comparatively little opposition to much of his teachings. This was partly because times had changed, and partly because he was less antagonistic in his methods of presentation.

The life work of Mr. Jones was greatly assisted by the gracious woman who shared his service. We often termed her "an ideal minister's wife." Highly intellectual, gifted in public address, sparkling with a wit that never cut and a humor that ever pleased, the sweetness of her presence was always welcome.

Some idea of Mr. Jones's range of thinking will be gathered from the following list of articles which will also be valuable for reference: "The Williams Quarterly," June, 1856, "Lord Byron;" "The New Englander," May, 1859, "The Sepoy Mutiny;" "The University Quarterly," July, 1860, "Mrs. Stowe and Her Critics," Art. 1; July, 1861, Art. II; "The New Englander," April, 1865, "The Foundation of Moral Obligation;" "International Review," July, 1880; "The Labor Problem;" "The Harvard Register," April-July, 1881, "In Opposition to the Metric System;" "Annual Report of the Massachusetts Labor Bureau," 1881, "Report on the Uniform Hours of Labor;" "Were they Miracles," a booklet; "Journal of Science," December, 1882, Saratoga Papers, "Ten Hours;" a seventy-paged article not located, "Sunday Labor;" "Seventeenth Annual Report of the Massachusetts Bureau of Statistics of Labor," A Memorial, "Henry Kemble Oliver;" "Chautanquan," April, 1889, "Sunday Labor;" "The Social Economist," January, 1892, "Money and Currency;" "Homiletical Review," April, 1895, "The Order of Events on the Resurrection Morning;" "Social Economist," October, 1895, "The Greenback Issue is Returning;" "Gunton's Magazine," March, 1897, "How to Obtain the Eight Hour Day" (Articles 1, 3, 4,5, of the five preceding were quoted in "Public Opinion" to the extent of half a page); a sermon, "The Eternal Life;" a Minority Report of the School Committee of the Town of Abington, 1895; "A Speech of Wendell Phillips, compiled and commented upon," 1897; a pamphlet, "The Issues of the War for the Union," 1898; a pamphlet, "The Bible Plan for the Abolition of Poverty," second edition, rewritten; "Bibliotheca Sacra," April, 1902, "Jehovah-Jesus-Messiah," printed without the author's name; a pamphlet, "Religion and the Family," September, 1893 (3,000 of these were "Sown" into the Parliament of Religions); "Purity Journal," December, 1901, "The Cure of the Social Evil;" "Scientific Marriage," a fifty-page booklet, October, 1887; a pamphlet, twenty pages, "The Perfect Good in Wedlock;" a pamphlet, "Sweet Sixteen." He also made a revision of the "Shorter Catechism'' in 1885. For his own use he made a translation of the four gospels and made a combination of the different narrative into what he called "The Woven Gospel." This type-written copy he bequeathed to the editor of these pages. The work was completed in 1896. In the preface he says: "In doing this I discovered the order of the events of the resurrection morning; that Jesus was crucified on Thursday; that there was but one rejection at Nazareth, and that that was at the time given by Matthew and Mark; and that they also give the right time for the feast at Bethany,—Tuesday evening."

The fairest estimate I ever heard passed on Mr. Jones was made to me personally by the late Prof. John Wesley Churchill of Andover. He and Mr. Jones had been friends for many years, and he said, "I have always regarded Mr. Jones as a man who had a mind of the first order, but he is a man who has done much of his thinking outside of the usual lines of thought." Mr. Jones had the faculty of saying things in a very effective way. The people at Natick have said, "We never had a minister who was quoted as much as Mr. Jones."

He was as natural and simple as a child. There was no guile in his make-up, and this fact together with the other fact that he had little sense of humor, and little power to adapt himself to small conditions, all combined to give many of those traits that obscured the real man, and went a long way to make many antagonists. Then, too, he was a very sensitive man. He was so honest and earnest, that the flings of the press as to the things he said and did, cut him to the quick, and tended to make him a lonely man,

He often said that his life had been a failure. "Certain constitutional traits, make all that I try to do and say, almost completely of none effect." In this, of course he was largely mistaken. He was, however, greatly disappointed. He started in life fully expecting a distinguished career. Rev. Joseph Cook, who was pastor at Rockland before Mr. Jones took up the work, said: "Mr. Jones is the most promising young man of whom I know." But there came a day when a great decision had to be made. Should he preach that portion of the gospel of Christ which people were accustomed to hear, and be the acceptable pastor of the popular church; or should he declare the "whole gospel" as it had been revealed to him, and take the reproach, and the poverty, or whatever might come. The choice was made deliberately, and in all the years that followed, he never faltered. As the man was really known, he won our love and our confidence. Of course, he made mistakes of judgment, and bitter antagonism did not make them seem less faulty, or the less strange. It was his great hope that this story-form might enable him to present his views as a whole, and so win for them a hearing and a place.

His signature, "Faithfully yours," was an earnest index to the character of the man. His place among the pioneer reformers will be recognized, and perhaps his claim to a prophet's forecast of the times, granted. We used to say that he was "Fifty years ahead of his times," and perhaps the saying was true. This book will help decide.


More Jesse H. Jones:
  • Photo
  • Know the truth; a critique on the Hamiltonian theory of limitation, including some stricutes upon the theories of Rev. Henry L. Mansel and Mr. Herbert Spencer. New York, Boston: Hurd and Houghton, Nichols and Noyes, 1865. [Google Books][Making of America]
  • Joshua Davidson, Christian; the story of the life of one who, in the nineteenth century, was "like unto Christ;" as told by his body-servant; a parable. New York, Grafton Press, 1907. [Google Books; appears to lack one page of author's intro]
  • "Ten Hours." Journal of Social Science. Dec, 1992, p. 149-164.
  • "Eight Hours" (lyrics)
  • at the 1869 Free Religious Association meeting

Monday, October 09, 2006

Samuel "Golden Rule" Jones at Ohio Memory

There is a partial archive of Samuel Milton Jones' Letters of Love and Labor at the Ohio Memory site. The site is extensive, and includes a large number of radical and civil rights items.

Another piece of potential interest is this circular from Thomas Low and Mary Gove Nichols' Memnonia Institute.

Thursday, October 05, 2006

More on Google Books and the Transitional Library

"T)EAR SIR—Tn reply to the queries eoutaiiied tn YOur note of the 26th nIt.." at The Very Idea!

Charles Kraitsir

Some time ago, I noted the presence of some work by Charles V. Kraitsir in the Google Books archive. Here is a more complete bibliography and listing of online texts. Kraitsir was one of those eccentric geniuses championed by Elizabeth Palmer Peabody. William B. Greene was, of course, another, and the three of them all taught, according to at least some reports, at Kraitsir's school in Boston.

Kraitsir's theories were also debated in the Fourierist Harbinger in Sep.-Nov., 1847, and, some years earlier, were discussed in terms of Biblical arguments for and against capital pushishment, in the Liberator and Prisoner's Friend. [We know from references in the latter that William B. Greene was providing financial support for the anti-death-penalty movement.]

From Owenite to Shaker

[This is a very nice account of how one of the children of the Valley Forge Owenite community eventually joined the Shakers. It's one of a number of documents relating to the "high tide" of Owenite community experiments about 1826 that I've been collecting.]


George M. Wickersham.

While attending the memorial service of Elder Giles B. Avery, Jan. 4, 1891, I felt impressed to ask myself this question,—How came I to be a Shaker? Why I was so impressed I cannot tell; I hope it will do no harm.

In the year 1824, while in the fourteenth year of my age, there was quite an agitation among a large class of people in relation to living a Community life. About this time, Robert Owen, the great philanthropist from Lanark, Scotland, came to Philadelphia on a lecturing tour, and advanced the principles and advantages of a life in Community. My father, at that time, was much interested with his theory, and I was highly pleased while attending his lectures. I thought I could see more happiness in a Community, than in the common way of living. The first time that I heard the name Shaker mentioned, was in one of his lectures. Robert Owen gave an account of a visit to Union Village, Ohio, where he spent three days. He was much pleased with some things that he saw among the people, and thought if the Shakers could live in Community, and in peace and harmony, so long as they had, he could see no reason why the society that he was trying to build up in the state of Indiana should not succeed and hold together, in like manner. He exhibited a model, showing his plan in the form of a square and enlarged for a village or town, to be built as the society increased. The arrangements were very complete; the model could be taken apart, and all the interior rooms and different apartments presented to view. The cooking and laundry establishments were placed in the center, and were designed to accommodate the whole square. Steam was to be used for washing and cooking, which was quite a novel idea in those days. But all do not see alike: some thought they saw room for improvement, and proposed starting a society nearer home, and making all the improvements that their wisdom could devise.

They looked for a place upon which to locate and finally concluded to settle at Valley Forge, the noted place which General Washington chose for his winter quarters; in the time of the revolutionary war. The price agreed upon for the estate was sixty-five thousand dollars. My father was one of the first to move his family into the place; and was the last to move away. The number of members belonging to the society was about three hundred. They did not all move to the new settlement but intended to do so as soon as buildings could be prepared. But as a house built upon sand has a poor foundation, so it was with the Valley Forge community. The fall of that society, however, turned to the upbuilding of Lebanon in some degree.

Abel Knight, a prominent member of our Community, saw a letter written by one of the western Shakers to a Quaker preacher by the name of Mott, of New York, and after hearing of the Shakers, Abel could find no rest until he had made a visit to Watervliet, N. Y., and another to New Lebanon the following summer. When he returned he brought some of the publications of the Believers, "Christ's Second Appearing" and "Millennial Church."

But to return. I lived at Valley Forge about one year, and worked in the machine shop most of the time. My father concluded to start again in his former business, which was wireworking. He took me to the city, where I boarded nearly a year and looked after the business in the shop when he was absent. About the latter part of October, my father moved his family from Valley Forge to the city again, and I went home to live with my mother, brothers and sister. By this time, my father, being intimately acquainted with Abel Knight, had received from him some knowledge of the Shakers, and obtained some books. In the evenings he got the family together and read to us from "Christ's Second Appearing," or the "Millennial Church." I was interested on account of Community life, and I often felt sorry that our Community had proved a failure. One day, in conversation with my father, I said to him I wished he would let me go to Indiana and see Robert Owen's community. He replied, "They are breaking up the; they are scattering; it would be useless to go." I had heard my father tell much about the Society at Economy in the western part of Pennsylvania, founded by George Rapp. I had passed through the place myself when about ten years of age, had seen their large buildings and pleasant location; and I asked him to let me go and see them. He said, "They are all Germans. Their society does not increase in numbers and will not be what you are expecting." I concluded that I would have to stay where I was.

When about sixteen years of age, while in conversation, I told father that I thought I was about old enough to learn a trade. "What trade would you like to learn?" he enquired. I replied, to be a carpenter or machinist. After further conversation, he thought working among machinery would be most agreeable to me, and it I could find a place that would suit me, he would make no objection. Then I turned my attention to the finding of a place such as I had desired. By inquiry I found a situation within a few days which I thought would suit me to perfection. In the establishment of my choice, they manufactured from the heaviest engines to the lightest running machinery; and I felt that my chance for a start in business was about complete. I informed my father of my success and asked him if he would go with me and see the proprietor and make a contract of apprenticeship. He proposed going the next forenoon; and we went accordingly, to see the head of the firm. As there were no street cars in those days, we walked about two miles and found to my disappointment that the proprietor was not in.

The foreman, when informed of our object, was very obliging, showed us through the establishment and informed us that if we would call in the afternoon at to o'clock, we would find the proprietor in his office, as he would inform him of our business. After dinner we started again on our two mile walk. As we drew near the place, my father seemed to slacken his pace; while I was in a hurry to reach our destination. When we were within a few yards of the office he stopped and observed "I have another thing in view. Before you are bound and cannot get away, if you wish to go to Lebanon and see the Shakers, you may go. If you only make a visit and return, or if you wish to stay until spring, do so. If you would like to make it a permanent home you may; but you must get the consent of your mother if you conclude to stay when you get there." I replied, I should like to go and see the Shakers, but I have not mentioned it to you because I received so little encouragement when I wished to go and see Owen and Rapp's societies. The evening was spent in visiting a Shaker brother who was in the city, and expected to stay but one day. He was the first Shaker that I ever saw. I intended to go home with him if I could get ready, but had not yet obtained the consent of my mother. From her I received a positive denial; it was "you shall not go." She had just returned from an experiment which had proved a failure, and was satisfied that a community could not hold together. I could not blame her feeling as she did, neither was I discouraged. The next morning I began pleading for her consent to go to Lebanon. I did not leave the house all day but kept on pleading till about four o'clock in the afternoon when she gave her consent. It was too late to leave the next morning which was Wednesday. In course of the day I learned there was a man in town by the name of John Shaw, who wished to settle some business and go to Lebanon. He would be ready to take the boat on Saturday at noon, and we might be company for each other. At the appointed time Abel and my father accompanied me to the boat to introduce me to John and see us safely off. Here disappointment again awaited me; John did not make his appearance. Then I was asked "Will you wait till another opportunity presents?" I replied, I have had such a time getting away from mother, that I prefer to go alone. I think there will be no trouble in finding the way.

In those days we could not go from Philadelphia to New York in two hours as we can at the present time. We left at noon, and arrived in New York about one o'clock the next day. The fog was so thick in the bay that we could not see the length of the boat until nearly noon. They rang the boat-bell every few minutes and finally we heard a bell ringing to the left of us. Our pilot steered toward it, and it proved to be a steamboat which had struck on a rock the night before and lay with its deck about one third under water. We took a number of persons from the wreck, but some chose to remain.

When we landed in New York I was surprised to see the same Shaker I had seen a few days before, expecting to meet John Shaw and myself; he had business in the city for three or four days longer and I told him I would remain there till he left for home, as it was my first visit and I wanted to see the city. I went to the same hotel where he was stopping and traced out a route, on a map of the city, which I thought would fill up my time in the forenoon to explore, and another for the afternoon, and so employed myself for three days. We then took the night boat for Hudson, here we found a team which brought us out to Lebanon.

We arrived at the North Family about seven o'clock in the evening and had a short visit in the Deaconesses' room with some who came from Philadelphia. I there saw a sight I never beheld before. Some of the Sisters sat smoking pipes with stems sixteen or eighteen inches long, and the room was so filled with smoke that everything looked blue. I suppose it appeared stranger, because I had never before seen but one woman smoke a pipe, and that was not more than three inches long. Thanks that its day has passed away to return no more. It was Thanksgiving day. (Dec. 12.)

After our visit we went to the Hill Family and stayed overnight. I slept so soundly that I did not awake till some one came to me and said that breakfast was over long ago. They gave me breakfast however, and I returned to the North Family and remained there twenty-five years. The kindred feeling and sympathy which existed between the members of the Valley Forge community, was with many, more than an outside show, or an internal selfish personality; it was a religious feeling that seemed to bind them together. When a few of them found something better than they possessed, they wanted those with whom they had been united to come and share with them.

Owing to this mutual interest, there were nearly fifty in this Society at one time who were gathered through the influence of one member acting upon another, and the Elders working with that influence at the right time. Eight of that number are now living in the Society after a period of sixty-three years, and within a short time the following have passed to the Spirit land: Elizabeth Justice, Jane D. Knight, Ann Busby, Sarah Woodrow, William Justice, John Shaw and Clawson Middleton.

Through the influence of Elder Richard Bushnell and others, I was persuaded that a community cannot exist merely by holding their land and property in joint interest, while in all other respects the associative members live according to the ways and customs practiced in the common course of the world; but all must come together and live as brothers and sisters of one family, and consider the happiness of others equal with their own. I had no faith in the confession of sin as it was practiced in the world. The custom was, to go to some private place and tell God that they were great sinners, and they hoped he would forgive them; but they never mentioned one crime they had committed, for they supposed he knew their sin already. As this brought no power over sinful desires, nor stopped the sinner's career in sin, I saw no good sense in it. When I understood that the object of confession was to bring the state and condition of our life to judgment through a living witness and to expose the wrongs and follies of human nature as they exist in us, to the light of truth, by an honest confession before those whom we believe have more wisdom and knowledge, or are nearer the fountain of goodness than ourselves, and are able to teach and advise us how to shun the snares and temptations to which we are exposed, I was satisfied and made up my mind to be a Shaker. Have set out many times since. Notwithstanding the many crosses and trials I have encountered, I have never had the first thought of turning back to find comfort and satisfaction in the ways I had forsaken. By carefully maintaining my union and confidence with those who have been appointed to officiate as Elders over the spiritual interests of our family, I have been abundantly protected from the sins of the world and have also secured the union and blessing of my gospel Brethren and Sisters. In this I have learned the important lesson, that "Obedience is better than sacrifice."

was during the days of the great outpouring of spiritual manifestations that an impression came over me which I could not resist. I sought an interview with Elder Richard Bushnell, who at that time was senior Elder of the North Family, and solicited of him the privilege to open my whole life, before I came among Believers and since. A corresponding ministration had occupied the mind of good Elder Richard, and he remarked, "I have solicited the same privilege of the Ministry, and after that is granted I will walk in prayer with you." Perhaps it may not be especially interesting to all who may read my simple story to know how this gift influenced my mind. After retiring to rest for the night, I soon found sleep had departed from me and my mind was actively engaged in meditating on my past life that no transgression nor deviation from the light of truth in my soul might escape my careful correction.

Now to return to my younger days. After living here about two years and a half, Abel Knight had business which called him to Philadelphia. The Elders proposed for me to go with him to be gone two or three weeks, and I accepted the offer. When we returned home to Lebanon, we found that there were sixteen of us instead of two. My mother had changed her opinion, and felt differently about the Shakers. She said she felt better satisfied with my being with the Shakers, than she did with the situation of any of the rest of her children and used no influence to persuade me to remain with her. But my grandmother wished me to remain with them and not go back to the Shakers, and as an inducement proposed to set me up with a good shop and a full set of tools. She also proposed for me to start by erecting a building for her, which she contemplated having put up for a dwelling. I was in my twenty-first year, and no doubt it would have been a great temptation, had not my mind been settled to spend my days among Believers. As it was, it had not the least effect upon me. I thanked her for her kind feelings toward me, and told her that I had made my choice for life and must return home. And this is


Those who were gathered through the influence of the Valley Forge community and have passed to the Spirit land are:—

John Dodgson, James Wilson, Theophilus Wilson, Israel Knight, Abel Knight, William Justice, John Shaw, Clawson Middleton, Deborah Dodgson, Hannah Rich, Margaret Wilson, Nancy Wilson, Sarah Knight, Jane D. Knight, Ann Busby sr., Ann Busby jr., Elizabeth Justice and Sarah Woodrow.

Those still living, are:—

Levi Shaw, George M. Wickersham, Anna Dodgson, Tabitha Lapsley, Maria Lapsley, Hannah Wilson, Elizabeth Sidel and Eliza Davis.

From the writings of "W. B. G."

I'm updating my bibliographies for William B. Greene. The last time I did a major update, there were lots of question marks. Now, there are fewer questions about the major, book- and article-length works, but a whole lot of new questions about letters to periodicals, sermons and such. That's progress. The contributions to radical papers, including some fairly important interventions in debates in The Word and The Index, have only really be mentioned in the literature of anarchism. The contributions to religious periodicals have been unknown or ignored. I think I've now tracked down at least most of the material in The Word and The Index, and have started to collect the theological contributions. Some of this work is complicated by the fact that 19th century periodicals, authors are frequently only identified by initials. We know that one of Greene's earliest publications, "First Principles, was published in The Dial as by "W. B. G." In 1847, in Boston's Christian Register, a "W. B. G." debated "Church," a correspondent of the Christian Recorder, on the question of "a personal trinity." This is almost certainly Greene, as the articles demonstrate both his style and his preoccupations of the time. Greene published The Doctrine of the Trinity :Briefly and Impartially Examined in the Light of History and Philosophy in 1847. A couple of other pieces signed with the same initials are obviously not Greene, since they come from different parts of the country. But in 1857, and then again in 1860, a "W. B. G." wrote to the Massachusetts Teacher and Journal of Home and School Education. These may in fact, as I mentioned months ago when I found them, be the work of William Batchelder Greene.

In the period from roughly 1853 to 1861, Greene was in Europe. Some accounts have reported that Greene left for France in 1851, but he was in Massachusetts in April, 1852, when he delivered funds (and a short address) from the people of Brookfield to Kossuth. His son William Batchelder Greene, Jr., had been born in 1851, and the Greenes had lost two children in infancy while living in Brookfield, so there are probably good reasons to believe that they would have been hesitant to make the voyage to Europe much earlier anyway. We know that Greene returned in 1861, to assume command of the 14th Massachusetts Volunteer Infantry. We have some evidence that the Greenes travelled, that they entertained friends and family from New England, and that they may have lived briefly in Italy. We know that Greene only published two books in the period 1851-1861. The Radical Deficiency of the Existing Circulating Medium was published in in Boston 1857, in response to the financial panic of that year. An Expository Sketch of a New Theory of the Calculus, the first of three works Green wrote on the calculus, was published in Paris in 1859.

The first of the essays in question, "Influence," appeared in 1857. Greene came home to Boston in 1857. We know this because he attended public functions during his stay. Would he have been writing for the educational papers? There are reports that he worked as a teacher and tutor at various stages in his life. He is supposed to have worked with Elizabeth Palmer Peabody and Charles Kraitsir at Kraitsir's school, perhaps even taking over its administration for a time, although the details and dates are still unclear. In November, 1848, Dr. J. Allen Penniman was ordained as an evangelist, and the religious papers reported that he had "studied with Rev. W. B. Greene of Brookfield." While in France, we wrote math textbooks. The evidence is all circumstantial and fragmentary at this point, but it certainly is possible that Greene might have written for the educational journals during the European stay. That said, let me present the first of those articles. Readers of Greene's other work can decide if this seems to come from the same mind and pen.

IT is a law of physics, that two bodies cannot occupy the same place at the same time. If motion is produced in a body, it is communicated to the one adjacent. If a single particle of a body is disturbed, the influence is felt by the one next to it, and so on till the whole body is moved.

Were the waters of the mighty deep in a state of perfect rest, the motion produced in a single drop, by the coral insect secreting a minute particle of solid matter, would be felt throughout the whole mass. A pebble cast into the quiet bosom of the lake, producing those circling waves that go chasing each other, enlarging as they go, moves every atom of the vast body, from centre to circumference. One stamp of the foot shakes the earth to its very centre. A word uttered, sets in motion particles of air, the effects of which will continue to the very extremities of the atmosphere; and for aught we know, the sound will continuo through illimitable space, and words spoken, will ring in our ears forever.

This law, so universal in the material world, has its analogy in the realm of thought. A single idea induces another, and the mind is thrown upon a train of thought that will determine its destiny forever.

A single truth, happily conceived by the mind, often develops itself in the wonderful productions of the artist and sculptor, the works of the author; and the labors of the statesman.

Raphael and Angelo, Newton, Shakspeare, and Milton, Locke and Washington, exerted an influence that ceased not with their lives. But as long as there remains in man a taste for the beautiful, a capacity to comprehend the operations of the laws of nature, to appreciate the value of literature of the highest order, poetic imagery the most sublime, a realization of the benefits of a liberal and republican form of government,—so long will these great masters exert a powerful influence in the world.

There is going forth from every sentient being, an influence, insensible it may be, yet constant, and with almost unlimited effect. The mother, as she watches the expanding mind of her offspring, and gives direction to its wanderings, is exerting an influence that may affect the destinies of nations, perhaps of the world. Little did the mother of Napoleon think that she was training a mind that it would require the combined forces of all Europe to subdue, and which, even when chained upon a dreary rock in the ocean, would astonish the world by the meteor flashes of his genius How little did the mother of Washington think that she was instilling into his mind, principles that would make him the instrument of establishing a government that would rise to be one of the first on earth.

The early training of Luther and Melancthon prepared them to grapple with the errors of the church, to break its almost unlimited power, and deliver the earth from spiritual bondage.

The teacher, whether of science, morals, or religion, is exerting an untold influence. The mind comes under his care in that plastic state that makes it susceptible of being moulded into almost any form, and turned in almost any direction. "As the twig is bent, the tree is inclined." So the mind takes the direction given by its teachers in youth; and in its maturity, can no more be changed, than can the gnarled trunk of the full-grown oak be straightened. Says another, "You may build temples of marble, and they will perish. You may erect statues of brass, and they will crumble to dust. But he who works upon the human mind, implanting noble thoughts and generous impulses, is rearing structures that shall never perish. He is writing upon tablets whose material is indestructible; which age will not efface, but will brighten and brighten to all eternity."

How responsible, then, is the position of the parent and teacher,—and yet how glorious!

When called to give our final account at the bar of our Great Judge, it is there and then we shall know the effect of our influence. And upon the minds of those under our influence we shall trace the imprint, as it wore, of our hand, which shall not be effaced, but shall enlarge and deepen to all eternity.
W. B. G.
[Massachusetts Teacher and Journal of Home and School Education; Jan 1857, X, p. 14.]

Wednesday, October 04, 2006

Mutual Banking Round-Up

I'm in the midst of gathering together the last year's worth of research, for a much-needed overhaul of the Libertarian Labyrinth site. I have high hopes that the site can be a really useful resource for libertarians of various stripes who value the lessons of history. In the meantime, here is a round-up of all of the material on William B. Greene, mutualism, mutual banks and land banks I have posted to this blog and The Very Idea!
William Batchelder Greene
Mutualist and transcendentalist bits - William B. Greene
More William B. Greene
Just a bit more on Greene and Transcendentalism
On Why You Can't Beat a (Real) Book for Research
The Mutual Banking Writings of William B. Greene
"Will" Greene's Small World
"Fact and Rumor," 1886
Finding, and losing, Bessie Greene
Orl Korrect? "OK," says Charles Gordon Greene
Works of Nathaniel Greene, pt. 1
1853: William B. Greene at 34
1842: William B. Greene at 22
Two new William B. Greene texts online: The Sover...
William B. Greene's Articles on Transcendentalism
"A Transcendentalist in Political Economy"
Lord Acton on William Batchelder Greene
Taking Proudhon (and controversy) out of "Mutual Banking"
Greene, Whittier, Brownson
Mutualist Library and Blazing Star Library
The Other "Dial" biography of William B. Greene
William B. Greene, Equality (1849)
Sarah Orne Jewett Text Project
William B. Greene's 1850 Mutual Banking
Radical Deficiency of the Existing Circulating Medium, 1857
The Incredible Shrinking. . .
"Song of Espousal" in the Moss Rose for 1847
Oops! Wrong Brookfield? Mass. Historical backroads prove tricky
Greene meets Kossuth, Springfield, MA, April 26, 1852
William B. Green and the LTV
Susan Dimock and Bessie Greene
New Labyrinth / William B. Greene Timeline
Col. Greene defends Washington / Civil War incidents
1850: The Hotbed of Mutual Banking Agitation
William B. Greene in "The Word:" Free Love (1)
William B. Greene in "The Word:" Woman's Suffrage
from the "Fragments:" Communism vs. Mutualism
William B. Greene's "The Blazing Star"
William B. Greene: The Doctrine of the Trinity
3 new William B. Greene texts online
William B. Greene's 1870 "Mutual Banking"
Mutualist Show and Tell
An embarassment of riches, or, Auguste Ott tips the scales

Alfred B. Westrup

Alfred B. Westrup, mutual banking reformer
Alfred B. Westrup, Pt 2
Alfred B. Westrup, "Liberty," and "Plenty of Money"
Alfred B. Westrup, New Texts and Bibliography online
Alfred Benbow Westrup, "The Financial Problem"
Westrup note

Edward Kellogg
Edward Kellogg, 1790-1858
Edward Kellogg again (and a money-crank treasure trove)
Edward Kellogg in "The Word"
Edward Kellogg, "Remarks Upon Usury"
Adrian Kuzminski on Kellogg and Greene

Land Bank / Mutual Bank tradition

More Land Bank Beginnings: William Potter
Samuel Hartlib on William Potter's Land Bank
Land-Banks as a substitute for Alchemy?!
The Fund: A Boston Land Bank of 1681 (ITLL)
The Fund: A Boston Land Bank of 1681 (VI)
New London Society: Connecticut Land Bank, 1732
The Massachusetts Land Bank of 1740
1739-40: Prospectus of the Land Bank Company
1740: Dr. Wm. Douglas vs. the Land Bank
1740: A Defense of the Land Bank
1741: Petition of London Merchants against the Land Bank
Colonial Land Bank Literature
Andrew McFarland Davis on the Land Banks
Herman Kuehn, "The Capital Controversy"
New in the Labyrinth: Kuehn and Guyau
Alexander Campbell, "The True American System of Finance"
Thomas Mendenhall, "National Money" (1816)
Lewis H. Blair on free currency
Joshua King Ingalls: Work and Wealth, 1878
Joshua King Ingalls: "Economic Equities" (1887)
How To Escape the Coin Monopoly (1895)
Homer Orpheus Campbell and "Socialized Money"
Update on "Socialized Money"

Debates from The Index:

Josiah Warren

Josiah Warren, The First American Anarchist
Josiah Warren Project
A Poem on Equitable Commerce

Proudhon's "The Malthusians" (Benjamin Tucker translation)

Confessions of a latter day mutualist
The Historical Character of Mutualism
Varieties of Mutualist History
What Mutualism Was - I: Prehistories
What Mutualism Was - II: The Kernel(?) of the Problem(?)
What Mutualism Was - III: "A Mutualist" of 1826
More from the 1826 "Mutualist"?